Sino-Russian Convergence in Foreign Information Manipulation and Interference: A Global Threat to the US and Its Allies

The use of AI-driven propaganda and deepfake technologies has significantly escalated the scale and sophistication of disinformation, posing unprecedented challenges from Russia and China for Western intelligence and democratic institutions. 

Executive Summary 

• While Russian and Chinese foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) operations may appear to affect only the soft power of the US and its allies, these actions have a fundamental impact on hard power and national security as well. Moscow and Beijing use different tools and pursue different goals, but both seek to undermine the domestic cohesion of Western societies. This, in turn, weakens the Western alliance system, ultimately diminishing US power and its ability to act globally. 
• China and Russia, while differing in style and intent, increasingly align in their FIMI efforts, aiming to weaken Western democracies, erode public trust, and promote multipolarity through shared anti-Western narratives and media amplification. 
• Both countries employ state-controlled media, cyber intrusions, content generated by artificial intelligence (AI), and social media influence campaigns — often reinforcing each other’s messages without formal coordination. This is done to manipulate public perception globally, particularly during crises, such as the COVID-19 pandemic or the war in Ukraine. 
• Case studies reveal their growing presence and influence in regions such as Africa, Latin America, and the Asia Pacific. While evidence of direct coordination remains limited, their activities in discrediting democratic processes, especially around Taiwan and US elections, show alarming parallels. The use of local influencers amplifies their outreach and enhances their credibility with local audiences.
• Western openness and media freedom are being exploited, as FIMI actors thrive on creating polarization, undermining NATO and European Union (EU) cohesion, and exploiting societal fault lines.
• This paper urges robust countermeasures, including institutional capacity-building, international coordination (especially among the US, EU, and NATO), social media regulation, cybersecurity enhancements, public awareness campaigns, and revitalized support for independent media and vulnerable democracies.  

Introduction 

China and Russia’s cooperation in foreign information manipulation and interference (FIMI) represents a growing challenge to the West. By aligning their narratives, leveraging state-controlled media, deploying sophisticated cyber strategies, and advocating for a new information order, the countries present a formidable challenge to democratic information ecosystems. While their strategies and priorities may differ, their shared goal of undermining Western influence ensures continued collaboration in this domain. Understanding these dynamics is crucial for developing effective countermeasures to safeguard the integrity of information spaces worldwide. 

This report examines the depth and effectiveness of the alleged cooperation between Beijing and Moscow, exploring the extent to which their cooperation leverages coordinated disinformation campaigns, cyber operations, and media strategies to influence global perceptions, challenge democratic institutions, and advance their geopolitical interests. Understanding the depth and implications of this cooperation is essential for policymakers and scholars aiming to safeguard democratic processes and maintain international stability (see a previous CEPA report on Russian and Chinese information operations during the COVID-19 pandemic). 

The European and American approaches to FIMI activities were originally similar, but in recent times they have begun to diverge. The US Department of State defines FIMI as a national security threat to the United States and its allies and partners. The Framework to Counter Foreign State Information Manipulation states that authoritarian governments use such tools to influence social discourse, skew national and international debates, and undermine democratic institutions, and that it requires an international response.¹

According to the European External Action Service (EEAS), FIMI encompasses a spectrum of activities designed to manipulate information environments, including the dissemination of false narratives, cyber intrusions, and the strategic use of media to achieve political objectives. Both China and Russia have independently engaged in such operations; however, if they have indeed launched an elevated collaboration, it would signify a notable escalation in the realm of information warfare. EEAS has identified China’s information manipulation and interference activities as challenges that require attention, highlighting the need for increased situational awareness and understanding of these methods.² 

As the two definitions from the US and the EU show, the understanding of FIMI and the threats it poses are fundamentally the same on both sides of the Atlantic, offering Washington and its European allies a wide range of opportunities for coordination and cooperation on the matter. 

The implications of potential Sino-Russian cooperation in FIMI are profound. By exploiting the openness of democratic societies, the countries aim to undermine public trust in institutions, influence electoral processes, and weaken alliances such as NATO and the European Union (EU). The use of advanced technologies, including artificial intelligence (AI), to generate and disseminate disinformation complicates detection and mitigation efforts, posing formidable challenges to policymakers and security agencies. The Foreign Policy Research Institute highlights the effectiveness of these information operations, emphasizing the necessity for the United States to leverage open-source intelligence and artificial intelligence to compete in the cognitive domain.³  

Addressing this evolving threat requires a comprehensive understanding of the strategies employed by China and Russia, as well as the development of robust countermeasures. This report delves into the nature of their cooperation in FIMI, examines specific case studies illustrating the global reach and impact of their operations, and assesses the threats posed to the United States and its allies. By analyzing these dynamics, the report aims to contribute to the formulation of effective strategies to safeguard democratic institutions and uphold the integrity of information in the digital age, should the US decide to maintain its role as a supporter of democracies in the world.  

The Nature of Sino-Russian Cooperation in FIMI 

China and Russia have long viewed information as a strategic domain of warfare. While their approaches to information warfare have evolved independently, historical parallels exist. Russia’s information warfare tactics can be traced back to Soviet-era “active measures,” a set of covert strategies used to spread disinformation and influence foreign governments.⁴ The Soviet Union relied heavily on psychological operations, the use of front organizations, and media control to shape global narratives. These tactics continued after the Cold War and were refined with digital advancements, culminating in large-scale disinformation campaigns targeting Western democracies as part of a well-established toolkit of subthreshold, noncontact warfare activities. ((Pomerantsev, Peter. This is Not Propaganda: Adventures in the War Against Reality. PublicAffairs, 2019.))

China, on the other hand, has developed a distinct approach through its doctrine of “public opinion warfare,” “legal warfare,” and “psychological warfare” — collectively known as the “Three Warfares.”⁵ Beijing’s information operations emphasize controlling domestic narratives while influencing foreign perceptions to align with its geopolitical objectives. Unlike Russia, which often engages in overtly disruptive campaigns, China’s strategy tends to be more subtle, focusing on long-term influence through economic leverage, state-controlled media, and the co-opting of foreign voices to push pro-China narratives. As the most recent EEAS report states, China’s main aim is to defend its international image and present its positive role in the world.⁶

Strategic Alignment in Information Warfare 

Although China and Russia initially pursued separate information warfare strategies, their shared adversarial stance toward the United States and its allies has brought about increasing cooperation in the domain of FIMI operations.⁷ China and Russia have found common ground in their strategic objectives regarding FIMI. Both states aim to challenge Western hegemony, weaken democratic institutions, and promote multipolarity by eroding trust in the US and allied governments. While their cooperation is not always explicit, they frequently amplify each other’s narratives, providing mutual reinforcement in the information space.⁸

This alignment is evident in their diplomatic cooperation in internet governance. Both nations advocate for “cyber sovereignty,” a model that promotes state control over digital spaces to counteract what they perceive as Western dominance.⁹ At international forums, such as those hosted by the United Nations and the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation, China and Russia push for regulations that would limit Western influence in the information sphere while legitimizing their own censorship and information control measures. 

Shared Anti-Western Narratives 

China and Russia regularly disseminate similar messages on key geopolitical issues, like the spread of COVID-19 or the war in Ukraine.¹⁰ Indeed, it is hard to tell whether these similarities are due to a proactive synchronization or mere coincidence, but their information campaigns often feature the following common themes: 

• Undermining US democracy: Both countries propagate narratives that depict the United States as a declining power plagued by internal divisions, racial injustice, and political corruption. 
• Discrediting NATO and Western alliances: Russia portrays NATO as an aggressive, expansionist force threatening global stability, while China echoes similar rhetoric in its Indo-Pacific discourse.
• Promoting multipolarity: Both states emphasize the idea that the world should move away from US unipolar dominance, promoting alternative governance models centered around Beijing and Moscow. 
• Framing the West as hypocritical: Chinese and Russian state media often highlight Western double standards on human rights, military interventions, and economic policies to erode the credibility of US and European foreign policies. Unfortunately, the West has indeed given legitimate reasons on several occasions to be justifiably accused of hypocrisy. Meanwhile, China has positioned itself in global strategic narratives as a benevolent actor that, in contrast to the West, claims to work in the interest of the Global South and to oppose a “Cold War mentality.” 

Use of State-Sponsored Media  

State-controlled media outlets (e.g., the China Global Television Network [CGTN], RT, Sputnik News, the Global Times) serve as critical instruments for Sino-Russian cooperation in information warfare. Russian channels like RT and Sputnik and Chinese outlets such as CGTN and the Global Times frequently republish and amplify each other’s content. These parallel activities extend their reach to global audiences, particularly in developing nations where alternative perspectives to Western media are sought.⁶