Russian propaganda in Balkan – German journalist analysis

 

A powerful media machine, troll factories, subterfuge and missinformation... Russian propaganda has a strong hand, in addition, it can rely "axis of autocrats" who support and stimulate Russia’s model of governance, writes experienced German journalist Thomas Braj.

 

“This axis starts with Putin, goes through Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orbán and Serbian President Aleksandar Vučić, who is increasingly ruling as he pleases, as is his younger partner Milorad Dodik in Bosnia and Hercegovina, all the way to Prime Minister of Slovakia Robert Fico,” writes Braj.

 

That journalist, who studied the history of Eastern Europe after which he spent nearly four decades as a correspondent for the largest German agency dpa (The German Press Agency) from Belgrade. In his new publication, he once again examines Russian propaganda in Europe, primarily in the Balkans and is using Serbia as a case study.

 

The analysis “Russia, Paving the Path for Autocrats” was published for the Friedrich Naumann Foundation, which is close to the German Liberals (FDP), and is available in its entirety online.

Braj calls the Balkans a “laboratory and training grounds” for Russian propaganda. His primary focus is on Serbia and reminds us that Serbia has not imposed sanctions on Russia. He continues about the role of the pro-Russian “hawk” Aleksandar Vulin and the “brotherly” reception of Russian politicians, despite Moscow’s aggression against Ukraine.

"Overall, of course, the EU remains by far the largest donor of money to Serbia. However, through state propaganda, a large portion of the Serbian population sees it differently," writes Braj.

 

 

The effectiveness of Russian propaganda in Serbia is explained by the presence of two outlets, Sputnik and RT, which are based in Belgrade, but that is half the story, he argues.

 

The German journalist writes that the key point is that the local media – those under the control of Vučić's camp – take entire articles from Russian outlets without any verification or editing, often giving them even more distorted and false headlines.

Braj reminds us that Television channels are full of programs where pro-Russian analysts and “conspiracy theorists” sit and constantly lie about the war in Ukraine and other topics. These types of programs achieve exceptional viewership, notes Braj.

 

Citing numerous headlines from Serbian state-controlled tabloids and portals, the German journalist writes that both Russian and Serbian propaganda are primarily connected by the negative portrayal of the West, often including Germany itself, with all the ritual exaggerations.

"According to these articles, the situation in the almost always negatively connoted West is catastrophic. Large segments of society are being impoverished. Price hikes make life unbearable, and food shortages prevail wherever you turn," the text states.

On the other hand, admiration for Russian President Vladimir Putin, as he writes, goes beyond the boundaries of journalism and good taste. Among numerous examples, Braj mentions an article on the Evening news portal about what time Putin has quail eggs for breakfast, how he eats healthily, and trains.

 

 

In addition to propaganda, countries like Serbia also import Putin's model of maintaining power, Braj thinks.

"First and foremost is the new nationalism, which is fueled by the claim that neighboring countries, NATO, the US, or the EU threaten their nation," writes Braj. Using Vučić as an example, he points out that the message of the propaganda is that only absolute obedience to a strong leader can protect the people from numerous threats.

"Braj further states that Vučić, like all other European autocrats, claims there is a concentrated media campaign controlled by foreign governments, directed at his country in general and particularly at his person," and he assesses:

"This is a classic case of switching the roles of perpetrator and victim – and that is also a systematic factor of autocratic regimes. For in state-controlled media, of which the government is partly the owner, the West is daily demonized with increasingly irrational accusations, following all the rules of propaganda."

 

 

 

Writing that the essence of these systems is widespread nepotism and clientelism – where politicians and businessmen offer unconditional loyalty in exchange for wealth – Braj further describes Vučić's system of governance through television:

"The omnipresent president routinely brings the public into a state of permanent excitement, like in a reality show. Almost daily, he appears on the small screens, sometimes for hours (on average, he speaks for an hour and a half daily on television), to present his citizens with important, brilliant, unbelievable, dramatic stories, which are announced by government-controlled media."

In Vučić's stories, the themes include "conspiracies, organized crime, terrifying scenarios of the future, spectacular foreign investments, the laying of foundation or the opening of modern hospitals, roads, factories, railway branches, or power plants," writes Braj.

At this point, the line between the head of state and the state itself completely disappears, and Vučić constantly speaks about how he has enabled this or that, "as if he were investing with his own founds."

 

Furthermore, Braj continues, the president is portrayed as a "powerful actor" in international politics, who, when it suits him, meets with Putin, Chinese President Xi, or the leaders of large Western countries.

"Despite a relatively small population of under seven million, people may get the impression that the president guarantees the country an importance that is not grounded in its size or economic power," concludes the journalist.

Braj also adds that the opposition and critics do not exist in state-controlled media, but they are still constantly targeted.

 

 

Although Braj primarily focuses on Serbia and then Hungary, in his work he also briefly examines the situation regarding autocratic tendencies and Russian propaganda across the Balkans and Europe.

For Bosnia and Herzegovina, he focuses on the Republic of Srpska and its president, Milorad Dodik. He writes that the media controlled by Dodik "has daily spread Russian narratives not only about the aggression in Ukraine but practically report on all global issues from a Russian perspective."

In the case of North Macedonia, the German journalist elaborates in greater detail on the mistakes of the European Union. In Skopje, he notes that nationalists are back in power, and their resurgence was contributed to by the fact that the EU accession process did not bring significant improvement for ordinary people.

On the contrary, the country spent two decades as a victim of Greek ultimatums, which forced it to change its name, only to then succumb under pressure from Bulgaria, which demands that Macedonians renounce their identity.

"Years of unstable conditions in North Macedonia, also caused by the EU's wrong policies, are being used by Russia as a gap for propaganda," Braj adds.

He goes on to write that Russia has been attempting for "decades" to influence events in Montenegro, using "the Serbian minority, as well as the Serbian Orthodox Church in the country, which falls under the Patriarch of Belgrade and traditionally follows Greater Serbian goals."

Braj also reflects on the decades-long rule of Milo Đukanović, stating that while he made political moves, he was an autocrat whose era was marked by epic clientelism and the permeation of the entire state with members of his Democratic Party of Socialists.

As for Croatia, he mentions that even journalists complain about the style of Prime Minister Andrej Plenković, while Plenković complains about President Zoran Milanović, who allegedly

acts as an apologist for Russia and Putin. "As the supreme commander of the military, he has repeatedly blocked the engagement of Croatian soldiers in NATO projects related to the war in Ukraine," writes Braj.

 

 

In the final part of the 44-page long analysis, Braj attempts to provide ideas on how to reduce or combat the "toxic" propaganda influence of Russia.

For instance, he suggests that media literacy should be strengthened, as this would allow "every reader and listener to easily recognize fabricated information" when they see or hear it in the media.

He lists media outlets and websites that engage in fact-checking, such as Raskrikavanje and Istonomer, as well as foreign Western services like DW, BBC, and Radio Free Europe (Slobodna Evropa).

As Braj writes, these media outlets face the same problem as fact-checkers – their reports only sporadically make it into larger media, and only those critical of the authorities.

"It is likely that a very limited circle of citizens even know about the existence of such programs or actively search for them on the internet," Braj assesses.

He calls on the European Commission and the European Parliament to move from words to actions and, for example, demand that Serbia respect European values in the media sector, rather than merely engaging in tactical maneuvering.