01.10.2022.

Serbia's room for maneuver has been narrowed to the maximum

The signing of the diplomatic protocol between Serbia and Russia caused a veritable avalanche of indignation in the West. Some opposition politicians in Serbia also mention the possibility of imposing sanctions on Belgrade.

The consultation plan signed in New York by the foreign ministers of the two countries, Nikola Selaković and Sergej Lavrov, is, according to the Serbian authorities, an ordinary technical document, as is usually signed with other countries, and it is only a plan for bilateral meetings in the next two years. The Belgrade media even published the complete text, and it was emphasized that the plan does not contain any notes on security issues.
 
The timing of the signing itself, however, caused suspicion in Western capitals, and this was the reason for the American ambassador to Serbia, Christopher Hill, to request an explanation from the Serbian authorities. After inspecting the document, Hill stated that "there is nothing special in it, but that Russia wanted this plan to justify its war in Ukraine."
 
They also reacted sharply in European capitals. So Vladimir Bilčik, the rapporteur of the European Parliament for Serbia, says that this is "a blow to the expansion of the European Union". Viola von Kramon, member of the European Parliament and rapporteur for Kosovo, believes that it is a "big scandal", and that it "may be a signal for us to freeze negotiations with Serbia".
 
The Prime Minister of Serbia, Ana Brnabić, on the other hand, states that, after the signing of the technical document with Russia, "madness and hysteria started", and that, as she assesses, is due to "the brave and sincere speech of Aleksandar Vučić at the United Nations".
 
Wrong time and place
 
In normal times, this signature would not pose any problem, Suzana Grubješić, from the Center for Foreign Policy, points out for DW. "But it happened at the wrong time and in the wrong place. That move was essentially of some use to Russia - to show that it still has an ally and a country it cooperates with, but it was of no use to Serbia."
 
Naim Leo Beširi, director of the Institute for European Affairs, believes that this is a "clumsy but planned move by the Serbian authorities to antagonize relations with Washington and Brussels".
 
"It seems to me that Moscow pressured Belgrade to come to that meeting, in order to convey some messages that could not be conveyed directly under these circumstances. And what are the messages that President Vučić received from Putin, we will see in the coming days. "It is interesting that Minister Selaković excessively advertised that meeting, and it was as if they wanted to further irritate Brussels, even though Serbia is a candidate country for the EU", assesses the DW interlocutor.
 
How to protect your own interest?
 
Critics of the Serbian authorities also used this situation to warn, due to the reactions of the USA and the EU, that this is another proof that Serbia has lost its sovereignty, and that its foreign and domestic policy is dictated by Western embassies. Suzana Grubješić says that these "reactions of America and Europe were expected".
 
"This only further tells us that the space for leading the current foreign policy in a balanced way has narrowed to the maximum - good relations with everyone, a strategic goal of the EU, it will be difficult to continue in the foreseeable future. It's no longer a question of how to cooperate with Russia, but how to protect one's own interest", notes Grubješić.
 
Critics of foreign influence on political decisions in Serbia are very vocal only when it comes to the pressure they believe comes from the West, notes Naim Leo Beširi. "When this influence evidently exists from Russia or China, these critics are extremely silent. Regime critics are always comfortable with the pressure that comes from Moscow and Beijing, or let's say Ankara, but it bothers them if it comes from Brussels or Washington. "Serbia is a sovereign country, but it is naive to think that the effects of some political decisions end at the borders of those countries," says the director of the Institute for European Affairs.
 
Sanctions – but for Serbia?
 
The reactions of the European Union are mainly limited to the statements of the representatives of the European Parliament, who also deal with the region. In them, Serbia is again called upon to align its foreign policy with the EU and impose sanctions on Russia. Some opposition politicians in Serbia warn that, if Serbia does not impose sanctions on Russia, there is a danger that the EU will impose some kind of sanctions on Serbia, including the termination of negotiations with the EU. DW interlocutors do not rule out that possibility either, but they also think that some moves will not be withdrawn.
 
Suzana Grubješić thus points to the fact that "negotiations have not been interrupted with any country so far, not even with Turkey, so I don't think they will resort to this measure. But a narrative is being built that Serbia is not a reliable partner, that it is turned towards Russia and that it does not really want to join the EU. This is actually where the biggest danger lies for Serbia", Suzana Grubješić believes.
 
Time is running out
 
The moment when the new Serbian government is formed is the last moment when sanctions must be imposed on Russia, believes Naim Leo Beširi and adds that, "if Serbia does not do it, very soon we can face the gradual introduction of sanctions. I hope that it will not come to that, and that this buying of time by Aleksandar Vučić, who hoped for a quick end to the war in Ukraine, will be a thing of the past and that a more rational decision will prevail, namely the introduction of sanctions against Russia."
 
It is not impossible for us to become the subject of sanctions, Suzana Grubješić thinks. She says that "that space for maneuver was further narrowed after the announcement of the Russian mobilization, because, in my opinion, this is the actual beginning of the war in Ukraine and the situation has become even more complicated," concludes the vice-president of the Center for Foreign Policy.